What is the fundamental issue at stake here ? What are Jack Granatstein
and I really arguing about ? The argument is not really about history,
whether it matters, whether it should be taught in Canadian schools
and whether it should contain a strong dose of constitutional and
political content. We agree about all this . And yet underneath
it all, there remains a core of contention. We seem to have differing
views about what history can contribute to the country: to its unity,
coherence and quality of citizenship. He never says so explicitly,
but Jack Granatstein seems to feel that Canada's 'common cultural
capital' is frittering away, and that we are failing to teach the
core values and ideas which will keep the country together in the
future. I'm less sure that Canada is in any kind of jeopardy. I
doubt that it was ever united in the way he supposes; indeed, I'm
not sure any country is as united as he supposes, and therefore,
to the degree that countries do have 'common cultural capital' it
is made up of the history of their disagreements.
In order to clarify this debate , I can see three distinct questions:
Do Canadians possess "common cultural capital ? Should we
be trying to strengthen it ? Is the country jeopardized if we don't
?
What do we mean by "common cultural capital" ? It's Jack Granatstein's
phrase, and I presume he means a set of understandings, widely shared
by Canadians about how the country came to be, what its basic rules
are, and what it stands for. From these understandings flow certain
ways of behaving towards each other: because we understand each
other, we are more tolerant, more civil, more knowledgeable about
our country and the choices it faces. So common cultural capital
helps the country hold together, because it makes us better citizens.
So there seems to be a lot at stake here.
Let me concede what I can to this view. It's hard to imagine Canada
functioning without some shared understandings: the rules of democracy,
the rule of law, shared knowledge of the geography, how the political
system works, or is supposed to work; and certain habits of mind
which go with these understandings: a willingness to argue out our
differences instead of reaching for a gun; a belief that everybody
should try to stand on their own two feet, coupled with a view that
those who genuinely can't are entitled to some help.
The trouble is that there isn't anything very Canadian about these
understandings: most Western liberal democracies would have much
the same common ground. Our history would make this common ground
distinctive , but the question is does common cultural capital need
to be distinctive in order to work ? Most of the time, it doesn't.
Shared historical consciousness might actually be a marginal addition
to the 'common cultural capital' that makes Canada hold together.
What actually holds us together is something altogether more prosaic:
people doing their jobs. This is a disagreeable thought to any historian.
Certainly it is to me. But it is a thought which must be entertained,
lest we proclaim how essential our disciplineand way of seeing
areto a country which may share our view that history matters,
only not as much as we like to think it does.
So we do have common cultural capitalbut we share it with
other countries, and it is not as distinctive, not as Canadian,
and not as historical as we like to think. It is a product of our
history, but it might still work to keep us civil even if we had
mostly forgotten where it came from. Again, a disagreeable thought,
but one which sociologists and anthropologists have less difficulty
embracing than historians.
Yet the same disagreeable thought can be turned around and made
a good deal more agreeable, when seen from another vantage-point.
Jack Granatstein believes in some deep way that a common history
is essential to Canada's survival. He doesn't say this, but why
else would he want to be 'force-feeding' (his word) a core curriculum
of Canadian political and institutional history to immigrants and
adolescent Canadians ? You only 'force-feed' ideas which you think
are going to make an essential difference .
I share his concern about the fact that history is not taught
in Canadian schools the way it was or the way it should be. Like
him, I don't want history reduced to victimology. I don't want it
to bow to every current fashion of political correctness. I don't
want to see it elbowed out of the schools because other thingscomputers,
business studies whateverseem more relevant. All this is common
ground between us.
What I refuse to believe is that widely diffused knowledge of
Canadian history is essential to Canadian unity and some kind of
necessary pre-requisite for adequate citizenship. There are many
kinds of good citizen, and not all of the forms of good citizenship
require knowledge of the Prime Ministers of Canada going back to
Confederation. Neighbourliness, civic courage, willingness to serve
in political office, community pride: all of these can be enhanced
by historical consciousness, but they do not require it.
We do not just inherit history; we make it together. It is not some
constantly diminishing stock which must be replenished or we will
suddenly be strangers to each other. Our common cultural capital is
not depleting; it is simply changing very rapidly, as our demographic
composition, economic structure and technology change. Canada recurrently
wakes up and doesn't recognise itself: there is nothing new about
this. Because we are a lucky country, one that the whole world wants
to come to, we are a country which changes all the time, and because
we change all the time, we recurrently worry that we are losing ourselves.
These worries are real, but teaching a lot more Canadian history in
our schools is not going to make them go away. I don't see Canadian
history as a branch of civics. We don't need it, and it will kill
the discipline Jack Granatstein and I both love.